TON Research Section
The Indian Ocean is a crucial channel for trade, commerce, and energy. The waters of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) have become a hub for international economic developments, disputes, conflicts, and rivalry for regional influence by regional and international powers including the United States, Australia, Japan, United Kingdom, India, and China in the IOR. During the Cold War, this is one of the reason that Soviet Union wanted direct access to the IOR. The India Ocean remains central for being the world’s busiest commerce way. Around 80 percent of the world’s nautical oil trade passes through the IOR. The interference of US led allies along with India across the maritime region has compelled China to upgrade its maritime strategy. Due to the geostrategic importance of the IOR new counterbalance strategies are in offing by US led alliance in collaboration with India to block the way of China increasing geo-economic role in Indian Ocean region.
The Indian Ocean, which lies at the junctions of Africa, Asia, and Australia, houses a number of coasts that play critical roles in the region. The IOR is a vigorous sea lane with choke points such the Strait of Hormuz, Strait of Malacca, Bab-el Mandeb, and so forth. These choke points are of enormous strategic importance, by way of vast bulks of trade pass through them. These choke points are exposed to piracy, international disputes, political dissents, and accidents. To ward off such threats and to gain/maintain a strong foothold in this resource rich region, regional and external powers flex their muscles.
These islands play a dynamic role along the sea lines of communication (SLOC) by giving easy access to navies continued presence and allowing them to patrol and secure SLOCs during the time of peace and war. The Indian Ocean acts as an intersection for the transport of oil from the Middle East.
The geostrategic importance of the IOR play significant role in the ups and downs of economies of many countries. Keeping in the view these facts, the Persian Gulf in the Arabian Sea (northern Indian Ocean) also plays a similarly vital role for the security-economic perspective of China. The purpose of China in this area is to protect the SLOCs, which are loaded with piracy threats in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea. The Indian Navy has warships deployed in the Gulf of Oman and Persian Gulf to hinder the safe passage for China -flagged vessels operating in the region. India has also set up the Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region (IFC–IOR) to keep a critical lookout on the movement of Chinese ships in the region. The IFC–IOR engages with partner nations for comprehensive maritime domain and share information on vessels to counter Chinese influence.
The Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean remains a major reason of balance across the region. Beijing is eager to have strong footholds in the IOR, Africa, and other island nations, through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The presence of China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) and Chinese commercial vessels in the Indian Ocean works in the ambit of United Nations Convention and the Law of the Sea for the ideal of a free and open Indo-Pacific. The geopolitical theory of the “String of Pearls” explains China’s potentials and intentions of establishing commercial and infrastructural projects which is a reason of annoy for India hegemonic designs. As the China has invested in several projects from the Horn of Africa to the ASEAN nations and the Pacific Island nations.
The revival of the Chinese Maritime Silk Route can be seen through China’s investment in the port of Hambantota in Sri Lanka and the development of Pakistan’s Gwadar Port as a part of China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). In the Maldives, China had financed the China–Maldives Friendship Bridge, linking Malé to the island of Hulhumale and Hulhule. It is the first sea-crossing bridge for the Maldives and could play a vital role in the island nation’s long-term economic development. The Maldives has also leased an uninhabited island, Feydhoo Finolhu, to a Chinese enterprise for 50 years at a price of around 4 million USD, with plans to develop infrastructure for tourism. Along the African coastal belt, one-quarter of all Chinese investment is concentrated in Nigeria and Angola. Nigeria has received relatively large funds from China for railways. Abuja also hopes that China will support peacekeeping in the Niger Delta region, which would better secure oil investments there. Beijing is backing two major rail projects—one from Lagos to Kano and the other from Lagos to Calabar.
China’s ambitious BRI, 5 a 1 trillion USD investment project, is aimed at infrastructural developments. Beijing’s promises to build roadways, railways, and ports to revive the trade route linking China to Asia. The CPEC, which is a BRI project, has been a great concern for India, as it passes through the Pakistan side of Kashmir.
Counterbalancing the India on the Seas the Chinese dragon might be obstructing India on land, disputing New Delhi’s claim of the Line of Actual Control (LAC). However, Beijing’s predominant geopolitical strategy of the great game lies in the Indian Ocean, where China has engaged in massive infrastructure projects for some time now. To counter the Indian interference China, needs to up its game in the maritime sphere. New Delhi has been increasing India’s military investments since the Modi government first came to power in 2014.
In the Bay of Bengal (BOB), India has modernized facilities in the Andaman Islands and at a base in Campbell Bay in the Nicobar Islands. In 2019, an infrastructure development plan worth 56.5 billion INR aimed at allowing additional warships, aircraft, troops, and drones to be stationed in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands was finalized. On 24 January 2019, the Indian Navy commissioned the new naval station INS Kohassa in the BoB islands to counter the Chinese influence at the IOR. Beijing has defended China’s moves in the IOR by stating that it aims for peace and stability in the region.
To counter India in the Indian Ocean, China needs to get the support from the island nations in the region. India has recently undertaken infrastructure development projects with dual-use logistics facilities in Mauritius and Seychelles. As per a memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed in 2015 by Indian Prime Minister Modi and his Mauritian counterpart, India would set up infrastructure for improving air and sea connectivity and the construction of the naval base would lead to the displacement of Agaléga Islanders. New Delhi wants to use this to India’s advantage to gain logistical assistance from Seychelles as well.
With Seychelles, India has agreed on developing infrastructure on Assumption Island. India has also helped Victoria with ocean mapping to protect Seychelles exclusive economic zone and has donated aircraft and launched a radar project. However, it is also important to note that Mauritius and Seychelles, being the small islands that they are, may not align with India to the point of isolating China completely in the IOR. The United States, on the other hand is definitely providing Logistics support to India through Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) between Washington and New Delhi to many US facilities located in the Indo-Pacific.
India is a part of several bilateral and multilateral military exercises with US led allies in the Indian Ocean. Naval Exercise MILAN, hosted by the Indian Navy and most recently held on 8 November 2019, was attended by delegates from 17 foreign navies. The 2020 exercise has been postponed in the wake of COVID-19 pandemic but is expected to start its exercises with the projected participation of 30 foreign navies. Exercise Malabar is a trilateral maritime event between India, Japan, and the United States and aims at strengthening cooperation and enhancing interoperability among participants.
Recently India expanded the grouping by including Australia. Previously, India had been reluctant to invite Australia as it would appear to be connected to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), an informal strategic .However, given the June 2020 Sino-India clashes at the LAC in eastern Ladakh’s Galwan Valley, India has made the decision of inviting Australia and in doing so enhanced its strategic position vis-à-vis Beijing. Separately, in June 2020, the Indian Navy increased its surveillance and operational deployment in the IOR, with the Galwan clash as a backdrop. The Indian Navy also held an important exercise with its Japanese counterparts in the IOR, where Chinese naval vessels and submarines exercises. China’s ventures in the IOR are seen critically by the Indian Navy one of the main obstacle to its vested interests in the region.
As a move to strengthen itself at the IOR, China is also increasing its military capacity in the region—from the Malacca Strait to the waters off the African coasts. In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, when the world order is witnessing a significant geostrategic shift, China strengthening its presence in the IOR. In this dynamic, China stepping forward to build up the gambit with Indian Ocean littorals such as Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius, and Seychelles to nab the rise of India hegemonic aspirations and to foil the tactical plan of India with the United States, as “anti-Chinese moves” Which could have adverse effects for Pakistan also.
The Indian Ocean is/will remain one of the world’s most significant strategic locations almost 80 percent of the world’s maritime trade and major portion of daily global oil transfers passing through the region. As a result, China’s want to have Peaceful sound footing in the Indian Ocean, with a focus toward economic and military advances for its Geo-economics Plans.