Spilt Results of Nepal Election

By TON Nepal
A reasonable number of young candidates won the first-past-the-post (FPTP) elections for the federal Parliament is something to be noted and showed a complete spilt result of Nepal national election. However, without a little representation of factually marginalized groups like women, Dalits and Janajatis. Only one Dalit candidate has won under the FPTP system. A total of 16 Dalit candidates will be represented after factoring in PR seats.
Although the Nepali Congress-led ruling alliance may preserve office in Kathmandu. Though, the trends propose a spilt political entity with voters declining to give a conclusive mandate to any party. The CPN-UML, the main opposition group, too will have a substantial presence in the federal parliament. The impressive performance of the pro-monarchy Party and the party of young activists set up in June this year, show the presence of extremely competitive electoral space. This increase of political views and the successful conduct of an election under a contentious constitution foretells healthy for Nepal.
Thereafter, Dalits will contain 5.8 percent of the 275-member federal lower house, even as they make up 13.8 percent of the nationwide populace. Similarly, just eight women have been chosen through the FPTP system thus far. Forget that there are more women than men in the country; even the constitutional requirement of 33 percent women’s representation in Parliament is probable to be disobeyed by abusing procedural dodges. The total depiction of Janajatis will be slightly better with 24 percent representation against the national population of 38 percent however still far from satisfactory.
The parties unsuccessful to field more candidates from marginalized groups under the FPTP structure mostly because of the faith that such candidates cannot success elections. There is some truth to it. Women and members of the conventionally marginalized communities often absence the kind of money and muscle power that, as seasoned male politicians bring to the election table. They are thus at a disadvantage right from the get go.
Yet the results of recent elections also show the fast-changing constituency is more than willing to vote for clean and skilful candidates, regardless of their racial, masculinity or socio-economic credentials. The power of money and muscle, which have traditionally been contributory in defining electoral outcomes in Nepal, is obviously on the decay. The major parties are thus fast running out of reasons not to give tickets to promising candidates from the marginalized groups.
This occurrence can also be seen as an extension of lack of interior democracy values in political parties. Again, their top echelons are filled with upper-caste men who are hesitant to trust either women or members of other racial communities with important duties. Yet they all talk fair, as is evident in their high manifestos promising a more “comprehensive and impartial” Nepal. In reality, they continue to view the idea of representation and affirmative politics through the lens of racialism rather than as a matter of conviction which is quite evident in the Nepal National election.
No political party that keeps away large sections of the society from important decision-making posts can be termed a democratic outfit; equitable representation is the bedrock of democracy. The hope again is that a third of the parliamentarians who have made it to the house for the very first time will lead this fight for more inclusiveness in all state organs, and in the political parties they represent. It should now be their responsibility to enact (and push for the implementation of) affirmative action policies to remove the traditional barriers members of the marginalized communities face on their quest for greater political representation. Only then will the national Parliament be a truly vibrant place for discussion of competing ideas and visions.

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